Regional system

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The Caucasus: Unresolved Wars and Regional Power

Unresolved wars inside a changing regional system.

South Caucasus / North Caucasus Regional system Published

Published
Standing baseline
2026-07
Coverage reviewed
2026-10-11

Weekly review / event-driven updates

CorridorEnergyDe facto stateDisplacementRegional power

Parties6 groups, and what each one means
  • ArmeniaThe Republic of Armenia and its institutions — a state repositioning itself between a failed Russian security guarantee and an unfinished peace with Azerbaijan.
  • Azerbaijan & partnersThe Republic of Azerbaijan and its close Turkish partnership — the region's military and energy ascendant since 2020.
  • GeorgiaThe Georgian state — a transit country between two breakaway regions and a contested political direction between Europe and accommodation with Moscow.
  • De facto entitiesAuthorities that administer territory without international recognition — Abkhazia and South Ossetia today, the former Nagorno-Karabakh Armenian authorities historically. Listing is description, not recognition.
  • Russia & aligned structuresThe Russian state, its regional military presence, and the North Caucasus power structures — including the Chechen system — that answer to Moscow on their own terms.
  • External powers & mediatorsTürkiye, Iran, the EU and its Georgia monitoring mission, and the United States — outside actors whose corridors, guarantees and mediation shape the system without owning it.

The Greater Caucasus, 14 April 2020. The snow-covered range runs north-west to south-east toward the Absheron peninsula at Baku, with the Kura lowlands and the Lesser Caucasus to the south.NASA / MODIS · public domainImage: A satellite view of a long snow-covered mountain range running diagonally to a sea coast, with green lowlands to one side.

Current state

Where this conflict stands

Graded per item · As of 2026-07

Armenia–Azerbaijan, Georgia's breakaway regions, Chechnya, and the corridors reshaping Russia's southern frontier. The Caucasus is not one war: it is a linked regional security system in which unresolved conflicts, de facto states, Soviet-drawn borders, displacement, energy routes and the competing interests of Russia, Türkiye, Iran and the West all act on each other — and in which Russia's absorption in Ukraine has set the whole system moving at once.

Read the full assessment

Feb 1988
Karabakh conflict re-ignites
As of 1988-02 high Established historical record
100,000+
Karabakh Armenians displaced to Armenia (2023)
~290,000
Registered IDPs in Georgia (est.)
1.2M b/d
BTC pipeline design capacity

Changed in brief — 2026-10-11 · Status wording updated

Backgroundwhy this matters, and the conflict in 6 points

Why it matters

This is where three empires' borders were drawn and redrawn, and the seams are still load-bearing. A war ended here in 2023 after thirty-five years, a peace text was agreed in 2025, and neither event resolved the questions underneath — what the borders are, who guarantees them, and which roads and railways may cross them. It also matters to people with no stake in the region's politics: the corridors running through it carry Caspian energy to Europe and a growing share of the overland trade between China and the EU, on routes chosen specifically to avoid Russia and Iran. The Caucasus is small, and what happens to its transit geography is not.

The conflict in five minutes

6 points, composed from this conflict’s own sourced records — nothing here is a new claim.

This is several disputes, not one

Three separate files sit in this module and they do not resolve together: Armenia and Azerbaijan over Karabakh and their border; Georgia over Abkhazia and South Ossetia; and the North Caucasus inside Russia. They share a region, a set of external powers and a history — not a settlement, a timetable or a set of participants.

The Karabakh conflict ended, and its consequences did not

Azerbaijan recovered the territory in the 2020 war and took the remainder in a one-day operation in September 2023. Almost the entire Armenian population left within days, and the de facto entity dissolved. The fighting is over; return, property, heritage and the missing are not.

A peace text exists and has not been signed into force

Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed the text of a peace treaty in March 2025; their foreign ministers initialled it in Washington in August 2025 and their leaders signed a separate declaration the same day. It is still not signed. Azerbaijan conditions signature on an Armenian constitutional amendment, which requires a referendum slated for 2027. This module treats an agreed text and a concluded peace as different things.

Georgia's status question is frozen; its administration is not

Russia recognised Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent after the 2008 war; almost no other state has, and Georgia's territorial claim is unchanged. But calling the file static is wrong: in May 2026 Russia and the South Ossetian de facto authorities signed a treaty merging economic space and opening the entity's offices to Russian citizens, while Abkhazia rejected lesser terms and lost its electricity and budget support until its leadership changed. Nothing has moved on status and a great deal has moved underneath it.

Russia lost its monopoly without leaving

Russian peacekeepers left Karabakh in 2024, Armenia froze its participation in the Russian-led security bloc, Russian border guards have left every Armenian border checkpoint, and Türkiye, the EU and the United States have gained ground. Moscow's base at Gyumri remains on a lease running to 2044, its integration of the two Georgian entities has deepened, and its economic levers are intact. The right reading is lost arbitration, not absence — and nothing has yet replaced the role Russia played between Yerevan and Baku.

The corridors are the region's other subject

Oil and gas pipelines and the rail and road links of the Middle Corridor cross this region because they can avoid Russia and Iran. Which routes open, on whose terms and under whose control is now as central to the diplomacy as territory is — and several proposed routes do not yet exist.

The system, as analytical objects What Vigil assesses about Caucasus, as 7 selectable objects. Each carries its own claims, registers, grades and dates, and each opens as itself in Explore — not as a section index.Open Caucasus in Explore

Stated · Vigil assessment

Objectives

What the 9 actors this module authors a posture for are trying to achieve — stated positions and Vigil’s assessments, kept apart. Every other party appears under Profiles without one.

Graded per item As of 2026-08

Vigil assessment

Constraints

What limits those options. A constraint is a structural limit, not a risk rating.

Graded per constraint As of 2026-08

Vigil assessment · Observed

Trajectory

The module’s current phase — Peace texts, corridor bargaining and new alignments (2024 – 2026) — and the newest dated review.

Object assessment · Moderate confidence As of 2026-10-11

Vigil assessment

External relationships

The standing arrangements this module authors between its parties. Each line is the record’s own signature; the analysis, dates and sources are on the record.

Graded per item As of 2026-10

Observed

What matters now

The standing questions Vigil is following on this module, each with what its latest review found. The evidence that would change the assessment is on the question.

As of 2026-10-11

Vigil assessment · Observed

Economy

5 exposure channels and 5 watch items, as of 2026-08.

Graded per item As of 2026-08

Vigil assessment · Observed

Humanitarian

5 dated figures at regional granularity, each with its own basis, as of 2026-08. No operational detail is published.

Graded per item As of 2026-08

Latest The newest published work on this area. Coverage reviewed 2026-10-11.Every dated review

Weekly Brief2026-10-11

Caucasus developments — 11 October 2026

4 developments · 9 watch items reviewed2026-10-04 → 2026-10-10

The week produced contact and administration, not commitment. South Ossetia's newly inaugurated president used his first structural act to reorganise the entity's executive around cooperation with Russian federal agencies. He still named no head of government. In Turkmenistan on 9 October, Russia's, Azerbaijan's and Iran's presidents met in a format last used in 2017. A Russian newspaper's report that Armenia's prime minister joined a three-way meeting with Putin and Aliyev was denied by his office. The day before, he had said he discussed missing-persons cooperation with Aliyev, the subject of the initialled agreement's ninth article. The EU's tariff relief for Armenian exports took legal effect on 10 October. The European Parliament called for sanctions on Georgia's leadership, which is a call and not a Union listing. No draft constitution, referendum date, ratification vote or commission meeting followed, and no cross-border fire was documented.

Clay Gilliland / Flickr · CC BY-SA 2.0 · cropped
Image: A long line of articulated lorries with white and rust-streaked box trailers parked along the right side of a mountain road, stretching from the foreground into the far distance up a grassy valley between steep brown slopes.
Analytical Note2026-09-28

Russian leverage over Armenia: the market was the lever pulled; gas is the one Armenia cannot yet replace

Confidence: Moderate

Russia's 2026 restrictions closed the market that buys four-fifths of Armenia's food and drink, and the EU answered with tariff access. That is the channel Armenia can work around, slowly. The gas that powers the country has only been threatened, and nothing built so far could replace it. Both are terms of an EAEU membership the other members have now asked Armenia to put to a vote.

Theatre map Interactive · approximate · as of 2026-07. Every marker here is a record, and the same markers are selectable in Explore's geography mode with the record open beside them.Open the map in Explore

Status and context zones
Loading map…
Interactive map — tiles © OpenStreetMap contributors, © CARTO. Markers show broad, publicly documented locations; sensitive sites are generalized to area level. Zone fills, where shown, are broad and approximate context with their own dates and confidence — never precise boundaries. The map does not show current deployments, activity or operational readiness, and is not suitable for operational use. Status is dated and contextual — see the methodology.
Status and context zones: broad · approximate · as of 2026-08 · Confidence: graded per zone
Zone legend — Status and context zones

Caucasus zones show de facto administration, historical conflict areas and broad corridor bands. They are status descriptions, not recognition claims, and never depict current military positions or an active front line.

  • Abkhazia — de facto administered — De facto administered; recognised internationally as part of Georgia. As of 2026-06 · Confidence: High.
  • South Ossetia / Tskhinvali region — de facto administered — De facto administered; recognised internationally as part of Georgia. As of 2026-08 · Confidence: High.
  • Nagorno-Karabakh — historical conflict zone — Former Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone — under Azerbaijani control since 2023; Armenian population displaced. As of 2026-06 · Confidence: High.
  • North Caucasus — historical war & insurgency zone — Historical war and insurgency zone inside Russia — context, not an active front. As of 2026-06 · Confidence: High.
  • East–west corridor belt — Broad bands along energy and trade corridors — not routes or infrastructure maps. As of 2026-06 · Confidence: High.

Watch 9 standing questions on Caucasus — 4 moved in the current review window, last reviewed 2026-10-11.All 9 Watch questions

  1. Does Georgia's EU track move from penalised to suspended — or reverse?— Movement observed, reviewed 2026-10-11
  2. Does the Chechen succession question produce an observable event?— Movement observed, reviewed 2026-10-11
  3. Is Armenia's economic tie to Russia changing by institutional act rather than by pressure and statement?— Movement observed, reviewed 2026-10-11
  4. Is Russian integration of the two Georgian entities deepening?— Movement observed, reviewed 2026-10-11
3 local entriesrecord-specific tests on the module’s standing watch list
  • Has the Armenia–Türkiye border opened to any category of traveller?

    It has not. The land border has been closed since 1993. Armenia and Türkiye agreed in July 2022, and reaffirmed in 2025, to open it to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports; the Margara crossing on the Armenian side has been reported ready since 2023, and Armenia says it is waiting on Turkish implementation. What has changed is adjacent rather than at the border: Armenia has allowed Azerbaijani lorries bound for Türkiye to transit its territory since late 2025. A first crossing by any category of traveller would be the marker; announcements about readiness have recurred for four years.

  • Are the unresolved human files moving, or hardening?

    The territorial question was closed by force in 2023. The consequences were not, and in 2026 one of them moved in the direction of closure against the displaced rather than toward settlement: a Baku court sentenced fifteen former Karabakh officials in February 2026, five to life imprisonment, with a separate twenty-year sentence for Ruben Vardanyan, and an appeal court upheld the verdicts in August 2026. Neither the initialled treaty nor the Washington declaration commits Azerbaijan to release anyone. The other files — some 4,500 missing recorded by the ICRC, property and return claims, mine clearance measured in decades — are unmoved. Watch any release, any return framework, and whether these files are named in the settlement at all.

  • Are the corridors carrying more, and is any of it new geography?

    The material test of whether the region's diplomacy produces connectivity. Middle Corridor volumes rose steeply after 2022 from a small base and are reported on differing bases in the 4.5–5.2 million tonne range for 2025, with container traffic around 77,000 TEU; the binding constraints are Caspian ferry capacity, port throughput and the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars line, not demand. Azerbaijani gas to the EU was about 12.8 bcm in 2025, essentially flat, against expansion commitments that depend on fields not yet producing. Watch whether growth continues, and separately whether any of it crosses a border that was closed — which is the only kind of increase the settlement would explain.

Evidence and review status

Coverage reviewed
2026-10-11— the date of this area’s most recent dated Weekly Brief. It records a review of the area as a whole, not a revalidation of every underlying record; each record carries its own date.
Standing baseline
2026-07 — the date this conflict’s standing geographic and situational claims are drawn to. Individual records, figures and events carry their own dates.
Review cadence
Weekly review / event-driven updates — quiet weeks are published as quiet reviews rather than as silence.

Scope of this coverage. This is regional-system coverage, not a single-conflict frame: it covers the Caucasus as a connected system across four sub-theatres, with a historical and structural focus. It does not track daily events, and it does not map current military positions anywhere.

Found an error in Caucasus coverage? Corrections are logged in public with the date and what changed — see the corrections log.