The Constitutional Court held procedural hearings on the party-ban suit on 21–23 October and set the substantive phase from 26 October; no ruling. No Union listing, visa, candidacy or funding act, and no Georgian reversal.
Brief itemGeorgia's Constitutional Court rejected the opposition's procedural motions in the party-ban case; substantive hearings begin 26 October, with no ruling
The National Assembly's Foreign Relations Committee approved the ratification bill 4–1 on 21 October; no plenary vote was reported by 24 October. A Syunik working group on 22 October prepared design work; the deputy prime minister said the railway route has been determined, but no alignment is published, so final-alignment is not met. No contract, construction or customs instrument.
Brief itemTRIPP's ratification bill cleared committee and officials prepared design work in Syunik; it is not ratified, and nothing is built
The report commissioned at Astana was sent to the Supreme Council's members on 20 October under the four heads of government's appeal and published. It concedes the Treaty has no suspension mechanism and names a joint decision under general international law as an option. The council has not met and decided nothing; no gas, application, notice or restriction change.
Brief itemThe other EAEU members' report concedes the Treaty has no way to suspend Armenia, and grounds a joint suspension in general international law
Penalised, not suspended. Council conclusions of December 2025 state that the accession process has effectively come to a standstill; on 6 March 2026 the Commission suspended the visa exemption for holders of Georgian diplomatic, service and official passports for twelve months, to 6 March 2027, with the exemption for ordinary citizens untouched. Candidate status, granted in December 2023, has not been formally withdrawn or suspended. No Georgian act reversing the measures the Union names — the treatment of protesters, opposition politicians and independent media since October 2024 — has been identified.
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The Constitutional Court held procedural hearings on the party-ban suit on 21–23 October and set the substantive phase from 26 October; no ruling. No Union listing, visa, candidacy or funding act, and no Georgian reversal.
Instruments have accumulated faster than works: a Washington declaration in August 2025, an Armenia–US implementation framework in January 2026 widening the scope to a multimodal programme, a framework agreement initialled in May and signed in June 2026, and engineering surveys in Armenia reported under way.
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The National Assembly's Foreign Relations Committee approved the ratification bill 4–1 on 21 October; no plenary vote was reported by 24 October. A Syunik working group on 22 October prepared design work; the deputy prime minister said the railway route has been determined, but no alignment is published, so final-alignment is not met. No contract, construction or customs instrument.
Pressure and statements on both sides, and no act that changes the tie.
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The report commissioned at Astana was sent to the Supreme Council's members on 20 October under the four heads of government's appeal and published. It concedes the Treaty has no suspension mechanism and names a joint decision under general international law as an option. The council has not met and decided nothing; no gas, application, notice or restriction change.
Four things are true at once. Armenia remains a de jure CSTO member; it has frozen participation since 2024 and has not paid contributions for a third consecutive year, and CSTO officials warned in August that Article 25 can cost it quota posts and voting rights — a decision that requires consensus at the November council. Russian border guards have left every Armenian border checkpoint. The 102nd Military Base at Gyumri remains on a lease to 2044, which Armenia has not proposed changing. Armenia's Western ties are partnership and monitoring instruments, not security guarantees; Pashinyan stated the alignment plainly on 24 August.
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The CSTO Secretary General told TASS on 23 October that Armenia has "de facto" withdrawn and that Article 25 is relevant. A Secretariat statement, not a council decision or an Armenian notice, so csto-article-25 is not met; no member state stated a position for the 11 November council. Nothing on the Gyumri lease; no Western defence commitment.
Russia and the de facto authorities in South Ossetia signed a Treaty on Deepening Allied Interaction on 9 May 2026, ratified by the State Duma within days: coordinated foreign, defence and security policy, a single economic space, staged integration of energy, transport and telecommunications, and the removal of citizenship restrictions on holding office.
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Margiev was appointed de facto prime minister by Decree No. 473 of 22 October under the entity's constitution, after the de facto parliament consented. A named appointment, but his citizenship is not stated and no act cites the treaty's citizenship provision, so office-holding-by-russian-citizens is not met, as for Kambolov on 4 October. No new instrument with either entity; no crossing change.
Chechnya's stability is an arrangement with one man; the succession question is discussed openly; Dagestan has produced the region's worst recent attacks.
Latest reviewUnchanged
No leadership change, designated successor or federal security-posture change. Kadyrov said on 22 October that one armed suspect was killed in a security operation, which OC Media calls the first officially confirmed armed incident in Chechnya in over a year; context only.
One section has been delimited since the mechanism was created: roughly a dozen kilometres in the Tavush direction in 2024, with four villages transferred to Azerbaijani control.
Latest reviewUnchanged
No commission meeting, section or marker, and no Azerbaijani response to Armenia's enclave-exchange proposal: the Azerbaijani foreign ministry's press releases stop at 20 October. The enclaves remain one side's proposal.
Each window in which the checkpoint stands ready and closed is a finding about a decision withheld rather than a capacity lacking, and the run of such windows is the measure of how firmly Ankara holds the border to Baku's timetable.
Each quiet review is a finding that a personal arrangement under open discussion of its own end has held for another week, and the length of the run is the one measure the module publishes about it.
No quiet question matches the current filter.
Local record tests3 further entries on the module’s standing watch list that stayed with the conflict record — record-specific tests rather than canonical questions.
3 local entriesrecord-specific tests on the module’s standing watch list
It has not. The land border has been closed since 1993. Armenia and Türkiye agreed in July 2022, and reaffirmed in 2025, to open it to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports; the Margara crossing on the Armenian side has been reported ready since 2023, and Armenia says it is waiting on Turkish implementation. What has changed is adjacent rather than at the border: Armenia has allowed Azerbaijani lorries bound for Türkiye to transit its territory since late 2025. A first crossing by any category of traveller would be the marker; announcements about readiness have recurred for four years.
The territorial question was closed by force in 2023. The consequences were not, and in 2026 one of them moved in the direction of closure against the displaced rather than toward settlement: a Baku court sentenced fifteen former Karabakh officials in February 2026, five to life imprisonment, with a separate twenty-year sentence for Ruben Vardanyan, and an appeal court upheld the verdicts in August 2026. Neither the initialled treaty nor the Washington declaration commits Azerbaijan to release anyone. The other files — some 4,500 missing recorded by the ICRC, property and return claims, mine clearance measured in decades — are unmoved. Watch any release, any return framework, and whether these files are named in the settlement at all.
The material test of whether the region's diplomacy produces connectivity. Middle Corridor volumes rose steeply after 2022 from a small base and are reported on differing bases in the 4.5–5.2 million tonne range for 2025, with container traffic around 77,000 TEU; the binding constraints are Caspian ferry capacity, port throughput and the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars line, not demand. Azerbaijani gas to the EU was about 12.8 bcm in 2025, essentially flat, against expansion commitments that depend on fields not yet producing. Watch whether growth continues, and separately whether any of it crosses a border that was closed — which is the only kind of increase the settlement would explain.