Relationship record

JNIM — Islamic State Sahel Province

Two insurgencies fighting each other over the same ground, with civilians between them.

Adversarial Since 2019

Active
Assessed as of
2026-10
Last reviewed
2026-10-18

AssessmentHigh confidence

A described arrangement, not a rating. Vigil publishes no measure of how strong, warm or hostile a relationship is, and no relationship on this site carries a score, a trend or a direction of travel. What is recorded is what the arrangement covers, when it began, what has changed it, and how firmly each of those is established.

In short

The open war between the al-Qaeda-aligned coalition and the Islamic State's Sahel province since 2019–20: a rupture over territory, taxation and allegiance in the tri-border zone, fought alongside both movements' wars against the states, and responsible for a large share of the region's civilian killing.

A symmetric arrangement: it reads the same from either side. Authored once, on one record.

The arrangement

Status
ActiveIn force and operating. Says nothing about how well it is working, or about which way it is heading.Last material change: 2026.
What it covers
DefenceCategories the arrangement is documented to include. Not a measure: a relationship covering more of them is described in more detail, not held more firmly.

Summary

The two movements coexisted in the Sahel until 2019, when competition over recruits, zakat and the Ménaka–Liptako corridor turned into fighting. Since 2020 they have contested eastern Mali, western Niger and northern Burkina Faso directly, with the Islamic State province expanding in the Ménaka region and around the tri-border zone and JNIM holding the centre and pressing south. The province's massacres of communities it accuses of supporting its rival, and JNIM's blockades of towns under the province's influence, are among the region's largest documented civilian-harm episodes. The states fight both and have not been able to exploit the division; each movement presents the other as the deviant. There is no known channel between them and no reported attempt at reconciliation.

Why it matters

It is why the map of insurgent influence does not read as one front, why the tri-border zone is the region's most lethal for civilians, and why any settlement with JNIM would leave a second war running. It also sets a limit on what either movement can hold: each is fighting on two sides.

What remains unknown

  • The date the rupture became open fighting is given variously across 2019 and 2020; the record states the year the relationship is generally dated from and no more.
  • Attribution of individual massacres between the two movements is contested in some cases and is recorded on the event records, not here.
  • Vigil publishes no strength, disposition or area-of-control claim for either party.

Readings the evidence also supports

  • The war between them can be read as ideological — the Islamic State's rejection of al-Qaeda's method — or as a contest for the same resources that would exist under any banner. Observers who follow both draw on each; the record grades the relationship, not the explanation.

Listed because the record's own assessment is not the only one its sources permit — not as a hedge on the assessment above.

Watch questions this relationship bears on

Standing analytical questions whose evidence runs through this relationship, each with its latest review. Derived from the Watch object, never restated here.

All Sahel relationships Open in Explore

Assessed as of — 2026-10 Last reviewed — 2026-10-18 Changed in brief — 2026-10-18 · Status wording updated