A war on the grid rather than the army — seasonal, repeated, and aimed at whether a country can be kept running at all.
Since October 20223 phases2 linked eventsConfidence: ModerateStatus as of 2026-07Reviewed 2026-07-26
Why it matters. This campaign is where the war reaches the civilian population that lives furthest from the front, and where the military, economic and humanitarian dimensions of the module are the same subject. It determines whether homes have heat and water in winter, whether industry can operate, how much of Ukraine's budget goes to imported electricity and repair rather than defence, and whether displaced people return. It is also the clearest instance in the war of an economic attack conducted by military means, and the reason interceptor supply is a humanitarian variable.
Open the full campaign record →The war's centre of gravity: a slow, costly contest for fortified industrial ground that neither side can leave and neither can finish.
Since April 20224 phases5 linked eventsConfidence: ModerateStatus as of 2026-07Reviewed 2026-07-26
Why it matters. This is where the war is actually decided, and where the theory of victory on both sides is being tested. Russia is betting that superior manpower and ammunition production will eventually produce operational collapse somewhere along the line; Ukraine is betting that the cost of each advance is unsustainable for a system that must also keep its economy and politics intact. Neither proposition has been demonstrated, and the eastern campaign is the evidence base for both. It is also the reason the war's outcome depends on industrial output and mobilisation policy in capitals far from the front.
Open the full campaign record →Attacking the war's supply and revenue rather than its front — refineries, airbases and the fleet, at ranges that kept expanding.
Since 20223 phases4 linked eventsConfidence: ModerateStatus as of 2026-07Reviewed 2026-07-26
Why it matters. This campaign is Ukraine's principal means of imposing cost on Russia away from a front where it is at a manpower disadvantage, and it is the clearest case in the war of a smaller power building an independent strategic capability rather than waiting for one to be supplied. It connects directly to the module's economic content — refining and export capacity is where Russian war revenue is generated — and to the naval campaign that reopened Ukraine's own export corridor. It is also the sharpest test of escalation management by Ukraine's partners.
Open the full campaign record →The campaign fought in recruitment offices and budget lines, and the one that sets what either army can do on the ground.
Since February 20224 phases4 linked eventsConfidence: ModerateStatus as of 2026-07Reviewed 2026-07-26
Why it matters. Equipment can be supplied by partners; trained infantry cannot. This is why force generation, not weapons transfer, is the variable analysts watch when asking whether a line will hold. It is also the point at which the war reaches furthest into each society: conscription enforcement is Ukraine's most divisive domestic issue, and the avoidance of a second mobilisation wave is the clearest evidence of what the Russian leadership believes it can ask of its own population.
Open the full campaign record →A country with no fleet pushed a fleet out of a sea, and got its export economy back without an agreement.
Since February 20224 phases4 linked eventsConfidence: ModerateStatus as of 2026-07Reviewed 2026-07-26
Why it matters. This campaign produced the clearest strategic success of the war for either side, and it did so through a category of weapon that did not meaningfully exist before it. It restored the export revenue on which Ukraine's economy and budget depend, removed a Russian coercive instrument over global food supply, and demonstrated that sea denial can be achieved cheaply against a conventional fleet — a lesson being studied intensively in other maritime theatres. It is also the module's clearest link between a military outcome and an economic one.
Open the full campaign record →